نشریه مطالعات راهبردی جهان اسلام
سال بیست و دوم شماره 3 (پیاپی 87، پاییز 1400)

Regionalism has a special importance and place as a gap between nationalism and globalism in the present age; As in the Westphalian era, nationalism was recognized as a key element in the identification of states, and in the age of technology and communication, globalization and interdependence play such a role. The new regionalism, which is derived from postmodernist and constructivist approaches, is seen as an attempt to change attitudes and beliefs towards the interests and areas that determine power. In an era in which material power is paramount in relations, modern regionalism seeks to highlight the values ​​and norms and constructive components of identity in order to highlight transcendental values ​​through this lens.
Accordingly, the main question of the present study is how the axis of resistance can be considered as an influential regional identity? In answer to this question, it can be said that in modern regionalism, the criterion for the cohesion and connection of political units is the existence of a common social and cultural identity, which is a matter for the states as the members of the resistance; Therefore, geographical distance and the lack of a common border do not prevent this from happening. To investigate the main question and research hypothesis, a qualitative method based on data analysis has been used and to collect data, library and documentary methods have been used.

Security patterns, willingly or unwillingly, affect the countries that use them. For example, countries that have used the models and theories of the liberal school of security have subconsciously had close relations with European countries and the United States. On the other hand, countries that have used the theories of the realist school have put increasing military capability and self-help on their agenda. Meanwhile, the current of resistance that has formed in the years after the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in the West Asian region has its own view of security, which is very different from Western theories and approaches to this concept; Because while in most Western theories of international relations, security is based on states; The Axis of Resistance has a distinct perspective and a people- based view of security; In a way, this view has contributed significantly to the formation of people- based security in the region. Although this view is well reflected in the field of regional developments, it has not yet been seriously processed in the field of theoretical studies. Accordingly, the present paper attempts to address the various dimensions and angles of people-based security as a concept derived from resistance in the West Asian region.

The "axis of resistance" as a current of power, in recent decades has generally acted as a movement in various countries. Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Palestine, Ansarullah in Yemen, the Hash-Alshabi in Iraq, etc. are fighting oppression, arrogance and colonialism with a common goal. The currents of resistance, which are interconnected as a network and around an axis of belief, face a problem called "national government". In order to explain this issue, several questions arise: Is there a chance for turning these movements into government level? If so, what model of government is more appropriate? If these movements reach the state level, what opportunities and threats can be imagined for the future of the resistance axis? In this article, only the relations between Ansarullah and the Yemeni government are analyzed according to the SWOT method, and other examples from the resistance front are postponed to other articles.

After the Islamic Awakening, the nations of the region sought to return to their inner identities in order to play a greater role in determining their own destiny. Meanwhile, the Yemeni people, who tried to stand against the corruption and dependence of the government of Ali Abdullah Saleh, took to the streets and were able to achieve some of their goals by overthrowing the government. The Saudi invasion of Yemen and the start of the war caused Ansarullah and the popular forces to confront Saudi Arabia. The existence of three internal forces against each other, foreign support, the Yemeni social system and the attempt to contribute to the political future of the country, deepened the crisis. Looking at the political future of Yemen and the arrangement of actors at the end of the crisis in this country is a question that this article tries to answer with a realistic approach. The hypothesis examined in this article is that "the division of power under the supervision and superior hand of Ansarullah" is predictable.

The Syrian civil war formed a variety of proxy relations that included a set of overlapping goals and missions, as well as conflicting opposition and allies. Thus, proxy relations in the Syrian civil war became a challenging issue by various dimensions, and it is important to recognize the patterns that emerge from it. Accordingly, the present article seeks to answer the questions of what patterns the process of formation and development of proxy relations in the Syrian civil war has followed and what effect it has had on the realization or non-realization of the goals of the conflicting parties.
This article is based on the hypothesis that the pattern of proxy relations between the Syrian regime and its supporters, due to the secondary support index (direct military deployment and air support) is different from the pattern of proxy relations between the Syrian rebels and has provided their supporters and the conditions for not achieving their goals..
In this article, an attempt has been made to extract the patterns governing proxy relations in the Syrian civil war, or the patterns derived from it, by using the method of historical trend analysis. The purpose of this study is to measure the effectiveness of policies and highlight the emerging problems around the research topic.

The general public, intellectuals and academics are mostly confronted with a media-portrayed image of the Taliban; therefore, achieving a true picture of the situation of this movement is an important mission for experts in the field of Afghanistan. One of the best ways to get a true picture of the Taliban is to study the movement's sociology; therefore, in this research, an attempt has been made to identify the Taliban by using accurate and documented statements (and not journalistic information) and field facts.
 This research has been done by descriptive-analytical method and by collecting data through authoritative books, magazines and official media of the Taliban as well as specialized interviews with Afghan scholars. The results of this study show that from a social and manpower perspective, the Taliban group emerged in the early 1970s or 1990s and was, above all, the product of the social, historical and jihadist structure of the region. With the beginning of the Taliban movement, the Maulvi Nasrullah Mansour branch of the Islamic Revolution and then the Younis Khalis branch of the Islamic Party in the East, joined it; Hence the manpower of this movement increased rapidly. Over the past three decades, a large number (not a small number) of Tajiks, Uzbeks, and minorities such as Aimaq, Mosquito, etc. have joined the Taliban; however, the backbone of the Taliban is the Pashtun ethnic group, which has a relative majority in Afghanistan. For this reason, it was necessary to study the customs, traditions and myths of the Pashtuns; Because Pashtun customs and traditions called "Pashtunwali" play an important role in the process of socialization of members of this community.

Corona is one of the most important phenomena in the world today that has affected all aspects of human life. In addition to focusing on health issues, the disease has had a variety of political, economic and social consequences that have put pressure on governments in various fields. The world powers, despite having many possibilities and capabilities, have not been able to protect themselves from the consequences of Quid 19. The United States, which established itself as the sole hegemon in the international system after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, has been affected by the consequences of Covid 19. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to examine the implications of Quid 19 for the United States in the three areas of politics, society, and economics. The main question of the research is what are the political, economic and social consequences of Covid 19 for the United States? The research hypothesis is that Corona has exposed US challenges in these three areas. The data collection method in this research is documentary-library and the research method is descriptive-analytical.